On April 29, 2026, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, walked through the forests of Great Nicobar Island and declared what he saw to be among the gravest crimes committed against India's natural and tribal heritage. His visit to the island, and his meeting with Nicobarese community leaders at the community hall in Rajiv Nagar, Campbell Bay, came at a time when the rest of the political world had its eyes on West Bengal, where Phase 2 of the state assembly elections was recording voter turnout numbers above 91 percent. The contrast was not lost on observers. While political campaigns dominated the mainland, Gandhi chose to make his way to India's southernmost inhabited point to draw attention to a project that has been quietly moving forward for years, the Great Nicobar Island Development Project, a ₹81,000 crore to ₹92,000 crore infrastructure initiative that has cleared its most significant legal hurdles but continues to face serious questions under Indian environmental and tribal rights law.
Gandhi had made a public commitment to the visit earlier in the year, after a delegation of Nicobarese tribal leaders came to meet him in New Delhi. The delegation told him that the project being implemented on the island was against the wishes of the people, and that it would cause them serious harm. He fulfilled that promise on April 28 and 29, first meeting locals en route to Indira Point and then spending time with community members at Campbell Bay. He said he had come to listen, not to speak, and assured those present that he and his party would do whatever they could to fight for their rights in Parliament.
What the Project Involves and Why It Matters Strategically
The Great Nicobar Island Development Project is not a routine infrastructure scheme. Conceived by NITI Aayog and being implemented by the Andaman and Nicobar Islands Integrated Development Corporation (ANIIDC), the project includes an international container transshipment terminal at Galathea Bay, a dual-use civil and military airport, a gas and solar power plant, and a township. The total project cost was pegged at ₹75,000 crore in 2022 and revised to ₹81,000 crore in 2025.
The island sits at a geography that has drawn the attention of defence planners for decades. The Strait of Malacca, which runs close to the island's southern tip, carries more than 80 percent of China's oil imports, valued at approximately $312 billion annually. The strait is only 2.8 kilometres wide at its narrowest point. A fully operational transshipment port and military-capable airport at Galathea Bay would give India a strategic position at the mouth of this chokepoint. Currently, approximately 75 percent of India's transshipped cargo is handled by foreign ports such as Colombo and Singapore. The project is designed to change that arithmetic.
The transshipment port at Galathea Bay is aimed at a capacity of 4 million TEUs by 2028, eventually scaling to 16 million TEUs, which would put it in competition with Singapore's capacity at the mouth of the same strait.
The Legal Battlefield: Environmental Clearances, the NGT Ruling, and Pending Cases
The project received its environmental clearance from the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change's Expert Appraisal Committee in November 2022. That clearance was challenged in court almost immediately. The National Green Tribunal, in a ruling delivered on February 16, 2026, refused to interfere with the environmental clearance, concluding that adequate safeguards had been provided and citing the strategic importance of the project. The Tribunal's order examined concerns over coral ecosystems, coastal geography, and the nesting grounds of the endangered leatherback sea turtle. It recorded that mitigation measures, including proposed translocation plans, seasonal safeguards, and long-term ecological monitoring, had been built into the approval framework, and that forest diversion and wildlife clearances had moved through the statutory channels prescribed under Indian environmental law.
However, the February 2026 ruling did not close all legal doors. Ongoing cases in the Calcutta High Court and the Eastern Zone Bench of the NGT continue to challenge the forest clearance awarded to the project, as well as claims that rights under the Forest Rights Act were duly settled before clearances were granted. The Calcutta High Court had scheduled the matter for final hearing in the week beginning March 30, 2026.
A petition filed in the Calcutta High Court by Meena Gupta, a former Secretary of both Tribal Affairs and Environment and Forests, raised specific and pointed allegations. The petition alleged that the recognition of forest rights certificate, the primary document under the Forest Rights Act allowing the project to proceed is void. It further noted that a Tribal Welfare officer was nominated and authorised to give consent on behalf of the Shompen tribe, even though there is no provision under the Forest Rights Act for a third party to represent a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group or give consent on their behalf. The petition also pointed to a direct conflict of interest: both the project proponent ANIIDC and the body that provided the consent certificate are under the same administrative leadership, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands administration.
The scale of forest land involved is significant. The development spans over 160 square kilometres, of which nearly 130 square kilometres comprises forest area. According to the Government of India's response to a parliamentary question, approximately 9.64 lakh trees would be affected by the felling associated with the project's forest land diversion.
Tribal Rights at the Centre of the Controversy
Great Nicobar Island is home to two distinct indigenous communities. The Nicobarese are a scheduled tribe who have had greater contact with the outside world, while the Shompen are classified as a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group, living in near-complete isolation and relying on forest and marine resources. The project area overlaps directly with their traditional habitat. The Shompen number fewer than 300 individuals. Survival International, in a report submitted to the United Nations, described the project as a potential death sentence for the Shompen community, noting that the group was never asked for their Free, Prior and Informed Consent.
Under the Forest Rights Act, 2006, the free, prior and informed consent of the Gram Sabha is mandatory before any forest land can be diverted. Reports indicate that the Andaman and Nicobar administration falsely represented to the Centre that tribal rights under the Act had already been settled. The Tribal Council of Little and Great Nicobar subsequently alleged manipulation and revoked its earlier No Objection Certificate. The legal weight of this consent question is substantial. Indian jurisprudence on tribal rights in forest land has been shaped by the Supreme Court's 2013 ruling in the Niyamgiri Hills case, in which the Court held that Gram Sabhas must have decisive authority to approve or reject any project that affects their ancestral land and forest rights. Legal experts have argued that applying this precedent to Great Nicobar would empower local communities and their councils to act as legal guardians of the island's forests and ecosystems.
Indian environmental jurisprudence, in cases such as Vellore Citizens' Welfare Forum v Union of India (1996) and Narmada Bachao Andolan v Union of India (2000), has embedded the precautionary principle and sustainable development as binding doctrines, requiring that where irreversible ecological or social harm is plausible, the burden shifts to the project proponent to demonstrate otherwise. Critics have argued that the NGT's February 2026 ruling did not adequately apply these standards to the specific conditions of a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group facing large-scale demographic change.
Over 70 experts, including former bureaucrats and environmental scientists, wrote to the Union Environment Minister in 2025, warning that the development could cause grave and irreversible environmental damage. The government has maintained that all due processes were followed, that consent from tribal leaders was obtained before environmental clearance was granted, and that long-term conservation and monitoring mechanisms have been mandated for the next 30 years. The island also sits in Seismic Zone V, India's highest earthquake risk category. In July 2025, a geologist warned that an ongoing cluster of smaller earthquakes near the Nicobar Islands could signal a volcanic eruption in the Andaman Sea, raising fears of another tsunami similar to the one in 2004 that caused the island's southern tip to sink by approximately 15 feet.
As the legal proceedings in the Calcutta High Court continue and the project moves forward on the ground, Great Nicobar Island remains the site of one of India's most consequential unresolved questions, where national security imperatives, environmental law, constitutional protections for tribal communities, and the rights of some of India's most vulnerable indigenous peoples meet without a clear resolution in sight.
